ГУЛаг Палестины

side ambushed is misled into believing that the interview will be supportive, but then is hit

with questions that are hostile and for which he is unprepared. The ambushed interviewee is

discomposed, flustered, fumbles in trying to collect his thoughts, the camera zooms in on his

confusion, and he appears duplicitous. It may be a tried-and-true formula, but it doesn't fool

every viewer and constitutes poor journalism in the case where the interviewee is i

where he would have granted the interview even if he hadn't been misled as to its intent, and

where nothing more damning is extracted from him other than his consternation at having been

betrayed.

(7) In order to permit the viewer to verify the accuracy of a 60-Minutes translation, the

original statement should remain audible and not be muted to the point of unintelligibility, and

transcripts provided by 60 Minutes should include the original of any statements that had been

broadcast in translation.

(8) 60 Minutes should rely on professional translators with accredited competence in the

original language who might be counted on to provide an undistorted translation. Particularly,

60 Minutes should expect that if it relies on a Russian who merely claims that he understands

Ukrainian, it is inviting the sort of biased mistranslation that it did in fact get in its

broadcast.

(9) 60 Minutes should not tackle a complex, multi-faceted story unless it is willing to invest

sufficient resources to get it right. In a typical 60 Minutes story say the exposing of a

single corrupt individual - the number of issues involved, and the amount of data that is

relevant, is small, can be gathered with a modest research outlay, and can readily be contained

within a 12-minute segment. "The Ugly Face of Freedom," in contrast, presented conclusions on a

dozen topics any one of which would require the full resources of a single typical 60 Minutes

story to present fairly - and so, little wonder that most of these conclusions turned out to be

wrong.

(10) 60 Minutes should heighten its awareness of the distinction between raw data and

tenth-hand rumor. A hospital administrator examining a document and explaining how he knows

that it is a forgery is raw data from which 60 Minutes might be justified in extracting some

conclusion; that Symon Petliura slaughtered 60,000 Jews is a tenth-hand rumor which 60 Minutes

is incompetent to evaluate and which might constitute disinformation placed by a

special-interest group intent on hijacking a story and forcing it to travel in an unwanted

direction.

(11) 60 Minutes should ask Mr. Safer to resign. Mr. Safer's conduct was unprofessional,

irresponsible, vituperative. Mr. Safer has demonstrated an inability to distinguish impartial

reporting from rabid hatemongering and as a result has no place in mainstream journalism. He

has lost his credibility.

Mr. Safer, too, will be welcomed by the supermarket tabloids where he will find the heavy burden

of logic and consistency considerably lightened, and the constraints of having to make his words

correspond to the facts mercifully relaxed.

(12) 60 Minutes should do a story on Simon Wiesenthal and assign it to a reporter and to

researchers who have the courage to consider objectively such politically-incorrect but arguable

conclusions as that Mr. Wiesenthal's stories are self-contradictory and fantastic, that his

denunciations have sometimes proven to be irresponsible, and that he spent the war years as a

Gestapo agent.

CONTENTS:

Preface

The Galicia Division

Quality of Translation

Ukrainian Homogeneity

Were Ukrainians Nazis?

Simon Wiesenthal

What Happened in Lviv?

Nazi Propaganda Film

Collective Guilt

Paralysis of the Comparative

Function

60 Minutes' Cheap Shots

Ukrainian Anti-Semitism

Jewish Ukrainophobia

Mailbag

A Sense of Responsibility

What 60 Minutes Should Do

PostScript

PostScript

A discussion relevant to the above critique concerns third-party attempts to incite

Ukrainian-Jewish animosity and can be found within the Ukrainian Archive at Ukrainian

Anti-Semitism: Genuine and Spontaneous or Only Apparent and Engineered? The relevance lies in

the fact that The Ugly Face of 60 Minutes which you have just read above has been the target of

a crude attempt at anti-Semitization, and at the discreditation of the author, myself, as is

documented particularly at Lubomyr Prytulak: Enemies of Ukraine anti-Semitize The Ugly Face of

60 Minutes.

HOME DISINFORMATION 60 MINUTES

HOME DISINFORMATION PETLIURA 1441 hits since 23Mar99

Symon Petliura An Introduction

Long after Symon Petlura had gone into exile and was living in Paris, armed

resistance broke out again and again in his name in Ukraine. Indeed, even today his

name is still regarded by the Ukrainian masses as the symbol of the fight for freedom.

Symon Petliura: An Introduction

Is Symon Petliura the man who "slaughtered 60,000 Jews"? Symon Petliura is

relevant to the Ukrainian Archive primarily because he led the fight for Ukrainian

independence at the begi

Morley Safer in his infamous 60 Minutes broadcast of 23Oct94, The Ugly Face of

Freedom, summed him up this way:

Street names have been changed. There is now a Petliura Street.

To Ukrainians, Symon Petliura was a great General, but to Jews,

he's the man who slaughtered 60,000 Jews in 1919.

Or is Symon Petliura a fighter for Ukrainian independence? But as the documents

in this PETLIURA section will begin to suggest, Safer's contemptuous dismissal is not

quite accurate and does not quite tell the whole story. We can begin with a few

short excerpts to provide background on Petliura from his entry in the Encyclopedia

of Ukraine:

Petliura, Symon [...] b 10 May 1879 in Poltava, d 25 May 1926 in

Paris. Statesman and publicist; supreme commander of the UNR Army

and president of the Directory of the Ukrainian National Republic.

(T. Hunczak in Danylo Husar Struk (ed.), Encyclopedia of Ukraine,

1993, Volume III, p. 856)

After the signing of the UNR-Polish Treaty of Warsaw in April 1920,

the UNR Army under Petliura's command and its Polish military ally

mounted an offensive against the Bolshevik occupation in Ukraine.

The joint forces took Kiev on 7 May 1920 but were forced to retreat

in June. Thereafter Petliura continued the war against the

Bolsheviks without Polish involvement. Poland and Soviet Russia

concluded an armistice in October 1920, and in November the major UNR

Army formations were forced to retreat across the Zbruch into

Polish-held territory and to submit to internment.

(T. Hunczak in Danylo Husar Struk (ed.), Encyclopedia of Ukraine,

1993, Volume III, p. 856)

In late 1923, faced with increased Soviet demands that Poland hand

him over, he was forced to leave for Budapest. From there he went to

Vie

founded the weekly Tryzub, and from there he oversaw the activities

of the UNR government-in-exile until his assassination by a

Bessarabian Jew claiming vengeance for Petliura's purported

responsibility for the pogroms in Ukraine (see Schwartzbard Trial).

He was buried in Montparnasse Cemetery.

(T. Hunczak in Danylo Husar Struk (ed.), Encyclopedia of Ukraine,