The Man

“I have no knowledge of what the outcome of the Senate’s vote will be this afternoon, and I have no opinion about it. If the members of the Senate choose to acquit and retain the President, I shall, of course, resign from my office, and devote all of my energies, as a private citizen and a personal friend who loved T. C., to opposing those White House actions that I feel are detrimental to the country at large. If the members of the Senate choose to convict and oust the President from his office, I can only say that I shall do my duty under the Constitution and God to serve as your President, and as T. C.’s President, with all my strength, with all of my heart and mind, and with every fiber of my being.

“I repeat, my friends, if serve I must, then serve I shall-yes, serve I shall, as everyone’s President, as President of no faction or factions but as President of the entire United States of America.

“Beyond that, there is little more I can say. I appreciate your attentiveness.”

Eaton was gratified by the spontaneous outbreak of handclapping, and he ventured a smile.

“Mr. Secretary,” the Atlanta Constitution correspondent called out, “do you mind a few questions?”

“Gentlemen, you know my position,” Eaton said. “It would be difficult to comment on a matter not yet settled by the Senate. Besides, every question keeps you longer away from Mrs. Eaton’s groaning board and that portable bar she’s stocked.”

There was pleased laughter, and Talley added, “Well, fellows, maybe a couple of quick questions if you don’t put him on the spot, you know. Okay, what was it, Jim?”

The Atlantan said, “Dilman seems to have rallied a good deal of last-minute Negro support. Everyone thinks that if he’s removed, racial rioting will reach a higher pitch. If that happens, do you have a plan for restoring peace to this country?”

“I have T. C.’s plan, I have the people’s plan, the one the impeached President has derailed,” said Eaton. “I would advocate revival of the Minorities Rehabilitation Program as the one guaranteed way of restoring peace and prosperity to our people.”

“What about Baraza?” the Portland Oregonian man asked. “Would you pull out our troops and seek a summit meeting with Premier Kasatkin?”

“No comment,” said Eaton. Then he added, “My feelings about the reckless adventure in Africa, this playing hide-and-seek until we catch or are caught by a nuclear catastrophe, are too well known to bear repetition. President Dilman is Commander in Chief, as of now, and what he is doing represents how much he is willing to risk for what he believes, for whatever reasons, to be right. If I were Commander in Chief of our armed forces, I would indeed have a policy statement to make on Baraza and the Soviet Union. Right now, it would be premature and out of order.”

“Mr. Secretary, you are practically Commander in Chief right now,” Reb Blaser bellowed. “Last night’s straw vote has eighty senators going to vote against Dilman-thirteen more than required. Doesn’t that impress you?”

“Mr. Blaser, I can’t comment on that, you understand,” said Eaton.

“Let me just say this, fellows,” said Talley, taking a step forward. “Secretary Eaton is quite correct in keeping away from speculation. But the Party has taken its own informal poll of the senators who will vote. I can tell you, frankly, there will be no problem in getting two-thirds of the Senate to a

There was smashing applause, and Eaton acknowledged it with a dip of his head. Linking his arm inside his wife’s arm, he called out, “Gentlemen, the press conference stands adjourned-and the stampede for the food and drinks begins. Again, thanks for you attentiveness, and now, follow us!”

And then Reb Blaser shouted, “Thank you, Mr. President!

Immediately, the room was filled with an uproar of laughter, handclapping, cheers, whistling, and Arthur Eaton, feeling as he guessed T. C. must have felt in those great climactic days before the election, led the stampede to the celebration.

At twenty minutes after twelve o’clock in the afternoon, the tray containing two small mixed green salads, two ham-and-cheese sandwiches on rye bread, one coffee and one hot tea had been delivered to the Oval Office of the White House from the Navy Mess below, and it now rested on the coffee table between the sofas.

Waiting for his friend, Douglass Dilman had just sat down to pick at the salad when Nat Abrahams came in, casting aside his hat, shedding his overcoat, massaging his chilled red cheeks.

“Brrr, what a day,” he said.

“You’re right, what a day,” said Dilman, watching Abrahams sit down across from him. “Nat, I didn’t see all of your closing address, but what I saw was great.”

“I’m afraid Miller’s was as good,” Abrahams said.

“Nevertheless, thanks.”

Abrahams appeared neither to have heard him nor to have any interest in the lunch before him.

Dilman inspected him. “What is it, Nat? You have something on your mind. I can tell.”

Abrahams gnawed his lower lip thoughtfully. “As a matter of fact, I have.”

“Shoot.”

He looked at Dilman squarely. “We’ve had an offer, Doug. Political horse trade, but an offer.”

“For what?”

“Senate votes in an hour and a half from now.”

“From whom?”

“Boss of the Party. Allan Noyes buttonholed me when I was leaving. Took me aside. Said there are nine on-the-fence Party senators who are more concerned about what your conviction will do to the Party tomorrow than about what you are up to today. They feel that if you are kept in office, in the long run there’d be less harm done to the Party. They’re considering that there’s only a year or so of the unexpired term to go, and they’d lose fewer votes in the next election this way than if you are publicly disgraced and kicked out.”

“Lose fewer votes? What votes?”

“Well, the Party has been taking samplings around the country. You’ve regained the sympathy of most of the Negro population, and of other minorities. The bloc of white liberals behind you has grown. Some independents here and there are shifting toward you. Noyes said it isn’t a big switch to your side right now, but an impeachment conviction might gain you more sympathy than ever, and lose Eaton a lot of votes when he came up for election.”

“Eaton’s election. Is that what the Party is worrying about?”

“Frankly, yes. And that’s the proposition. These nine senators put their heads together with Noyes, and here’s what they came up with. Instead of splitting over you this afternoon, or going against you, they’ve promised to vote for you under certain conditions.”

“All right, let’s have it, Nat. What’s the price?”

“If they swing an acquittal for you, then they want a public a

Dilman squinted at Abrahams and put down his sandwich. “And I need those nine votes?”

“Wouldn’t hurt, you can use them,” said Abrahams casually.

“And they want my answer before two o’clock?”

“Before a quarter to two.”

“Nat, my answer is no. You tell them no.”

Abrahams did not seem at all surprised. He began to eat. “I don’t have to tell them no,” he said, between mouthfuls. “I’ve already told them.”

“You already told them no?” Dilman fell back, laughing and shaking his head. “You were that sure? What are you, my conscience?”