The Man

“Mister,” Dilman interrupted, “I have an idea that young lady is neither a crackpot nor an impostor. You show her right in. You tell Mindy-her father is waiting for her. Now, hurry up! Don’t leave her standing around!”

In the paneled and book-lined library of their early English house in Georgetown, at ten minutes to eleven in the morning, Arthur Eaton and Kay Varney Eaton sat side by side on the couch, concentrating their attention upon Zeke Miller, who was gesticulating on the television screen as he approached the end of his closing address on behalf of the House managers before the United States Senate.

“And so, honorable senators,” Miller was saying, “since the able manager of the defense has chosen to bolster his concluding remarks with words borrowed from the impeachment proceedings of 1868, I feel that I can do no less upon behalf of the House indictment. Let me close my remarks in support of Article IV by referring to the wisdom of Representative Butler, as shown in the remarks made by him on that other historic occasion, and conclude by addressing to you the further remarks made by Representative Bingham before the Senate at that same trial.

“The words of Representative Butler, applicable to Article IV, are these: “This, then, is the plain and inevitable issue before the Senate and the American public-Has the President, under the Constitution, the more than kingly prerogative at will to remove from office and suspend from office indefinitely, all executive officers of the United States, either civil, military, or naval, at any and all times, and fill the vacancies with creatures of his own appointment, for his own purposes, without any restraint whatever, or possibility of restraint by the Senate or by Congress through laws duly enacted? The House of Representatives, in behalf of the people, joins this issue by affirming that the exercise of such powers is a high misdemeanor in office… Whoever, therefore, votes “not guilty” on these Articles votes to enchain our free institutions, and to prostrate them at the feet of any man who, being President, may choose to control them.’ Senators, remember this, remember and do not forget a word of history’s warning, when you consider your vote on Article IV charged against President Dilman.

“And remember, too, the considered wisdom of Representative Bingham in that other time, and remember and do not forget his patriotic beseeching when you stand up to be counted for all time in your judgment of one and all of the Articles of Impeachment. He said then, and I say now, ‘I ask you to consider that we stand this day pleading for the violated majesty of the law, by the graves of half a million of martyred hero-patriots, who made death beautiful by the sacrifice of themselves for their country, the Constitution and the laws, and who, by their sublime example, have taught us that all must obey the law; that none are above the law, that no man lives for himself alone, but each for all; that some must die that the state may live; that the citizen is at best but for today, while the Commonwealth is for all time; and that position, however high, patronage, however powerful, ca

“Glorious words, these, which once e

The library door had opened, and Governor Talley stuck his head in. “Arthur, the press is ready and assembled.”

“Wayne,” Kay Eaton said, “do you mind switching off the set?” As Talley hastily obeyed her, she turned to her husband. “That wretched Miller of yours is clever, no question. If I had any doubts, they’re gone. What do I wear when you’re sworn in, Arthur?”

Eaton had been cheerful, but a frown crossed his brow. “Don’t talk like that, Kay. Don’t let anyone hear you talk like that… Ready, Wayne? Come on, Kay. Let’s make it sweet and simple, and get them to the sandwiches and drinks.”

Eaton left the library and strode quickly into the packed living room, followed by his wife and his colleague. There were more than one hundred correspondents waiting, and many applauded as he waved jovially and took a position before the built-in bar, maneuvering his wife to one side of him, and drawing Talley to the other side.

“Hold it for some pictures!” a photographer yelled.

As the shutters clicked and bulbs exploded, Talley called out, “Remember the caption-‘T. C.’s Team Together Again!’ ”

More applause greeted this, and then, as reporters roughed the photographers to the sides of the room, Arthur Eaton held up his hand.

“First,” he said, “an apology for these cramped quarters. I’m afraid this is a do-it-yourself press conference, but since I’ve been locked out of the Department of State, it’s the best I can offer you!”

Eaton beamed at the laughter and cheers, and then he quieted the roomful of reporters, and his demeanor became serious.

“I have tried to avoid any communication with my friends of the press until the momentous matter before the bar of the Senate is settled today,” he said. “However, I have been so widely and persistently solicited by many of you to make some comment that I have, with reluctance, consented. Perhaps, after all, a few brief remarks are in order.”

“Hear! Hear!” someone shouted.

Again Eaton held up his hands for silence. Then, in his well-modulated voice, he resumed.

“I have been made increasingly aware of the fact, not that I have consciously ignored it or should do so, that under the law of the land, I am, as Secretary of State, next in line of succession to the Presidency. Although the person now in the office of the Presidency has not wished me in this position, has attempted to place himself above the law and exercise dictatorial powers to remove me, he has failed. The people of the United States would not have it, and the effect of their outrage was felt in Congress, which immediately condemned and rejected the President’s illegal behavior and reinstated me as the Secretary of State, as a member of the Cabinet, and as first in line of succession to the Presidency.”

Since he was speaking without notes, although he had considered with care what he would say, Arthur Eaton paused at length to determine what he should say next. Having organized his thoughts, he went on.

“Contrary to the propaganda mill of the White House, I have not desired wished for, or in any way actively sought, or do now seek, the Presidency. It was enough for me, these last years, exceeding my fondest dreams, to be our beloved T. C.’s Secretary of State and Cabinet adviser. I wish that were my position today. The eccentricities of life, so unpredictable, would not have it, the Lord’s will was done, and my mentor and our former President went to his premature death. When his successor, Senator Dilman, sought to retain my assistance, wishing, he then said, only guidance to carry out T. C.’s policies at home and abroad, I agreed to stay on. Like all of us, I was weighted down with grief, but I realized quickly that the welfare of our people, their government, came first, and grief must be subordinated to duty, and so I served.

“I will not discuss the events that have transpired since T. C.’s death. They have been fully and widely aired these last ten days from the floor of the United States Senate. Let me say, however, in complete earnestness, that although deeply concerned about the new President’s deviation from T. C.’s policies, and about certain deficiencies in his character and competence, I was reluctant to approve of his impeachment. When there was no longer a choice, when the impeachment became the desire of the American people, when I realized that it was my duty to stand with the people against one who would endanger the very life of this republic, only then did I submit to the inevitable and throw my full support behind the House of Representatives.