Страница 144 из 146
33. IV. VII. The Sulpician Laws.
34. IV. VII. Legislation of Sulla.
35. IV. IX. Government of Ci
36. IV. VIII. Orders Issued from Ephesus for A General Massacre.
37. IV. VIII. Thrace and Macedonia Occupied by the Pontic Armies.
38. IV. VI. Roman Intervention.
39. III. XII. Roman Wealth.
40. IV. V. Taurisci.
41. III. VI. Pressure of the War.
42. II. VIII. Silver Standard of Value.
43. III. VI. Pressure of the War.
44. III. I. Comparison between Carthage and Rome.
45. IV. X. Proscription-Lists.
46. III. III. Autonomy, III. VII. the State of Culture in Spain, III. XII. Coins and Moneys.
47. III. XII. Coins and Moneys.
48. III. XIII. Increase of Amusements.
49. In the house, which Sulla inhabited when a young man, he paid for the ground-floor a rent of 3000 sesterces, and the tenant of the upper story a rent of 2000 sesterces (Plutarch, Sull. 1); which, capitalized at two-thirds of the usual interest on capital, yields nearly the above amount. This was a cheap dwelling. That a rent of 6000 sesterces (60 pounds) in the capital is called a high one in the case of the year 629 (Vell. ii. 10) must have been due to special circumstances.
50. III. I. Comparison between Carthage and Rome.
51. IV. II. Tribunate of Gracchus.
52. "If we could, citizens" - he said in his speech - "we should indeed all keep clear of this burden. But, as nature has so arranged it that we ca
1. IV. XI. Money-Dealing and Commerce.
2. IV. X. The Roman Municipal System.
3. IV. I. The Subjects.
4. IV. I. The Callaeci Conquered.
5. IV. I. The New Organization of Spain.
6. IV. VII. Second Year of the War.
7. The statement that no "Greek games" were exhibited in Rome before 608 (Tac. A
8. III. XIII. Irreligious Spirit.
9. A delightful specimen may be found in Cicero de Officiis, iii. 12, 13.
10. IV. VI. Collision between the Senate and Equites in the Administration of the Provinces; IV. IX. Siege of Praeneste.
11. In Varro's satire, "The Aborigines", he sarcastically set forth how the primitive men had not been content with the God who alone is recognized by thought, but had longed after puppets and effigies.
12. III. XI. Interference of The Community in War and Administration.
13. IV. VI. Political Projects of Marius.
14. IV. X. Co-optation Restored in the Priestly Colleges.
15. IV. VI. The Equestrian Party.
16. III. XIV. Cato's Encyclopedia.
17. Cicero says that he treated his learned slave Dionysius more respectfully than Scipio treated Panaetius, and in the same sense it is said in Lucilius:
18. IV. XII. Panaetius.
1. Thus in the Paulus, an original piece, the following line occurred, probably in the description of the pass of Pythium (III. X. Perseus Is Driven Back to Pydna):
And in another piece the hearers are expected to understand the following description
To which they naturally reply
Then follows the confession that the tortoise is referred to. Such enigmas, moreover, were not wanting even among the Attic tragedians, who on that account were often and sharply taken to task by the Middle Comedy.
2. Perhaps the only exception is in the Andria (iv. 5) the answer to the question how matters go:
in allusion to the line of Caecilius, which is, indeed, also imitated from a Greek proverb:
The comedy is the oldest of Terence's, and was exhibited by the theatrical authorities on the recommendation of Caecilius. The gentle expression of gratitude is characteristic.
3. A counterpart to the hind chased by dogs and with tears calling on a young man for help, which Terence ridicules (Phorm. prol. 4), may be recognized in the far from ingenious Plautine allegory of the goat and the ape (Merc, ii. 1). Such excrescences are ultimately traceable to the rhetoric of Euripides (e. g. Eurip. Hec. 90).
4. Micio in the Adelphi (i. i) praises his good fortune in life, more particularly because he has never had a wife, "which those (the Greeks) reckon a piece of good fortune".
5. In the prologue of the Heauton Timorumenos he puts the objection into the mouth of his censors:
And in the later prologue (594) to the Adelphi he says
As early as the time of Cicero it was the general supposition that Laelius and Scipio Aemilianus were here meant: the scenes were designated which were alleged to proceed from them; stories were told of the journeys of the poor poet with his genteel patrons to their estates near Rome; and it was reckoned unpardonable that they should have done nothing at all for the improvement of his financial circumstances. But the power which creates legend is, as is well known, nowhere more potent than in the history of literature. It is clear, and even judicious Roman critics acknowledged, that these lines could not possibly apply to Scipio who was then twenty-five years of age, and to his friend Laelius who was not much older. Others with at least more judgment thought of the poets of quality Quintus Labeo (consul in 571) and Marcus Popillius (consul in 581), and of the learned patron of art and mathematician, Lucius Sulpicius Gallus (consul in 588); but this too is evidently mere conjecture. That Terence was in close relations with the Scipionic house ca