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Christians. Said one, “Christ has again fallen into the hands of Ca-

iaphas and Pilate.” The Romanists became more violent. A bigoted

papist declared, “The Turks are better than the Lutherans; for the

Turks observe fast-days, and the Lutherans violate them. If we must

choose between the Holy Scriptures of God and the old errors of the

church, we should reject the former.” Said Melancthon, “Every day,

in full assembly, Faber casts some new stone against the Gospellers.”

Religious toleration had been legally established, and the evan-

gelical States were resolved to oppose the infringement of their

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rights. Luther, being still under the ban imposed by the edict of

Worms, was not permitted to be present at Spires; but his place was

supplied by his co-laborers and the princes whom God had raised

up to defend his cause in this emergency. The noble Frederick of

Saxony, Luther’s former protector, had been removed by death; but

Duke John his brother, who succeeded to the throne, had joyfully

welcomed the Reformation, and while a friend of peace, he displayed

great energy and courage in all matters relating to the interests of

the faith.

The priests demanded that the States which had accepted the

Reformation submit implicitly to Romish jurisdiction. The Reform-

ers, on the other hand, claimed the liberty which had previously been

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granted. They could not consent that Rome should again bring under

her control those nations that had with so great joy received the word

of God. The Diet finally decreed, that where the Reformation had

not become established, the edict of Worms should be rigorously

enforced; and that in the evangelical States, where there would be

danger of revolt, no new reform should be introduced, there should

be no preaching upon disputed points, the celebration of the mass

should not be opposed, and no Roman Catholic should be permitted

to embrace Lutheranism.

If this decree became a law, the Reformation could neither be

extended where as yet it had not reached, nor be established on a

firm foundation where it already existed. Liberty of speech would

be prohibited. No conversions would be allowed. And to these

restrictions and prohibitions the friends of the Reformation were

required at once to submit. The hopes of the world seemed about to

be extinguished. The re-establishment of the papal hierarchy would

inevitably cause a revival of the ancient abuses; and an occasion

would readily be found for completing the destruction of a work that

had already been shaken by fanaticism and dissension.

As the evangelical party met for consultation, one looked to

another in blank dismay. From one to another passed the inquiry,

“What is to be done?” Mighty issues for the world were at stake. Had

these men been controlled by ambition or selfishness, they might

have accepted the decree. They themselves were apparently left

free to maintain their faith. Ought they not to be satisfied with this?

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Should they throw themselves into the conflict to wrestle for liberty

Protest of the Princes

103

of conscience in all the world? Should they expose themselves to

the vengeance of Rome?

Never were these men placed in a more trying position; but they

came forth from the test with principles unsullied. As the mist that

had hovered over their minds cleared away, they saw what would be

the result of this decree. Should they lend their influence to restore

the stake and the torture? Should they oppose the advancement

of truth,—oppose the Spirit of God in its work of calling men to

Christ? Could they refuse obedience to the Saviour’s command,

“Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature”?

[Mark 16:15.] Ought they to consent that those who might desire to renounce error should be denied the privilege? Having entered

the kingdom of Heaven themselves, should they bar the way so that

others could not enter? Rather would they sacrifice their dominions,

their titles, and their own lives.

“Let us reject this decree,” said the princes. “In matters of

conscience the majority has no power.” The deputies declared that

Germany was indebted to the decree of toleration for the peace which

she enjoyed, and that its abolition would fill the empire with troubles

and divisions. “The Diet is incompetent,” said they, “to do more

than preserve religious liberty until a council meets.” To protect

liberty of conscience is the duty of the State, and this is the limit

of its authority in matters of religion. Every secular government

that attempts to regulate or enforce religious observances by civil

authority is sacrificing the very principle for which the evangelical

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Christians so nobly struggled.

The papists determined to put down what they termed daring

obstinacy. They began by endeavoring to cause divisions among

the supporters of the Reformation, and to intimidate all who had

not openly declared in its favor. The princes were at last summoned

before the Diet. They pleaded for delay, but in vain. Those who still

refused to sacrifice liberty of conscience and the right of individual

judgment well knew that their position marked them for future criti-

cism, condemnation, and persecution. Said one of the Reformers,

“We must either deny the word of God or—be burned.”

King Ferdinand, the emperor’s representative at the Diet, saw

that the decree would cause serious divisions unless the princes

could be induced to accept and sustain it. He therefore tried the art

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of persuasion, well knowing that to employ force with such men

would only render them more determined. He begged them to accept

the decree, assuring them that such an act would be highly gratifying

to the emperor. But these faithful men acknowledged an authority

above that of earthly rulers, and they answered calmly, “We will obey

the emperor in everything that may contribute to maintain peace and

the honor of God.”

In the presence of the Diet, the king at last a

elector and his friends that their only remaining course was to submit

to the majority. Having thus spoken, he withdrew from the assembly,

giving the Reformers no opportunity for deliberation or reply. In

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vain they sent messengers entreating him to return. To their remon-

strances he answered only, “It is a settled affair; submission is all

that remains.”

The imperial party were convinced that the Christian princes

would adhere to the Holy Scriptures as superior to human doctrines

and requirements; and they knew that an acceptance of this prin-

ciple would eventually overthrow the papacy. But they flattered